The radical DIY miracle of Marble Ass | Little White Lies

In Praise Of

The rad­i­cal DIY mir­a­cle of Mar­ble Ass

04 Mar 2025

Words by Fedor Tot

A woman with blonde hair lying down, embracing a man with dark hair who is leaning over her.
A woman with blonde hair lying down, embracing a man with dark hair who is leaning over her.
Born out of Bel­grade’s under­ground scene in 1995, Želimir Žil­nik’s cel­e­bra­tion of a tight-knit com­mu­ni­ty of sex work­ers has a par­tic­u­lar pow­er in today’s increas­ing­ly divid­ed society.

To look at Mar­ble Ass today, 30 years after release, is to see a film of rau­cous humour, ram­pant imag­i­na­tion, and empa­thet­ic col­lab­o­ra­tion. It’s a DIY mir­a­cle, made with Beta­max tapes bor­rowed from an Aus­tri­an TV news crew (blown up lat­er to 35mm), and a cast drawn almost entire­ly from the trans and gay sex work­ers of the streets of Bel­grade in the mid-90s, as the Yugoslav wars raged on only a few hours from the cap­i­tal. The star of the show is Mer­lin­ka (a sex work­er and occa­sion­al actor) as the matri­arch, essen­tial­ly play­ing her­self, help­ing her sis­ters stay safe and fight­ing tox­ic nation­al­ism with love and sex. The film’s very cre­ation was an act of resis­tance against the ultra­na­tion­al­ist, hard-right ide­olo­gies that sur­round­ed Mar­ble Ass, but its longer-term lega­cy is knot­ti­er. From the dis­tance of his­to­ry, it seems a mir­a­cle it even exists, but then on clos­er inspec­tion it seems self-evi­dent. Of course it exists: it must.

Let’s set the scene. Bel­grade in 1995 was a rabid­ly hyper­cap­i­tal­is­tic, vir­u­lent­ly nation­al­is­tic city. Slo­bo­dan Miloše­vić had tak­en advan­tage of eco­nom­ic down­turn and an increas­ing­ly nation­al­is­tic intel­li­gentsia to install him­self into increas­ing­ly more pow­er­ful posi­tions since 1986, with var­i­ous allies dot­ted around the then-func­tion­ing, mul­ti-eth­nic, mul­ti-lin­gual coun­try of Yugoslavia. He may have emerged as a mem­ber of the Com­mu­nist par­ty in Social­ist Yugoslavia, but his rhetoric was far-right pop­ulism, pred­i­cat­ed on sin­gling out Oth­ers with­in Yugoslavia and Ser­bia. The Yugoslav Nation­al Army and para­mil­i­tary forces sup­port­ed by Miloše­vić were com­mit­ting war crimes and acts of geno­cide in Croa­t­ia and Bosnia-Herze­gov­ina, who had declared inde­pen­dence from Yugoslavia by that point. Though Ser­bia itself was large­ly untouched by shells at this time, a UN embar­go and hyper­in­fla­tion (peak­ing at a month­ly rate of 313 mil­lion per­cent in Jan­u­ary 1994) had dec­i­mat­ed liv­ing stan­dards, with state assets being stripped by preda­to­ry organ­ised crime.

Mar­ble Asss direc­tor, Želimir Žil­nik, stum­bled into Mer­lin­ka one night in Bel­grade whilst wait­ing for a train, when Mer­lin­ka tried to pick him up as a john. She then start­ed jok­ing with him, com­plain­ing he couldn’t recog­nise her (she had a small role in an ear­li­er film of his in the 80s, out as a gay man back then). The two got talk­ing and Mer­lin­ka intro­duced Žil­nik to her friends, a com­mu­ni­ty of trans sex work­ers. The ini­tial plan was to record a straight doc­u­men­tary, but that had to be scrapped when one of Merlinka’s clients heard the crew make a noise whilst film­ing and start­ed shooting.

So, they decamped to Novi Sad, Serbia’s sec­ond city and Žilnik’s base for much of his career and got to work. Žil­nik craft­ed a basic script, about an old friend of Merlinka’s – John­ny – return­ing from the war in Bosnia now scarred and unsta­ble, burst­ing with ugly ultra­m­as­cu­line ener­gy and wreak­ing hav­oc in the domes­tic safe haven Mer­lin­ka has built with her best friend Sanela. Žil­nik would hand the actors the script and they would trans­form it into lan­guage they felt com­fort­able in, a glo­ri­ous­ly rat­ty Bel­grade street-slang. The best pitch for the fin­ished film is John Waters turns up in mid-90s Bel­grade”, and Mar­ble Ass does share Waters’ chaot­ic, DIY ear­ly work, but it also harks towards Bil­ly Wilder come­dies, the Amer­i­can under­ground scene of the 1960s, and to Pedro Almodóvar’s osten­ta­tious ear­ly works.

Žilnik’s col­lab­o­ra­tive, all-in-it-togeth­er process was one he had been per­fect­ing since his emer­gence as part of the Yugoslav Black Wave in the 1960s, a ground­break­ing move­ment along­side fel­low lumi­nar­ies such as Dušan Makave­jev and Alek­san­dar Petro­vić that earned as much inter­na­tion­al acclaim back then as its coun­ter­parts in Czecho­slo­va­kia, the USSR and Poland. His first fea­ture, Ear­ly Works (1969), was an adap­ta­tion of Marx and Engels, which crit­i­cised the Social­ist Yugoslav state, then still under the rule of Tito, essen­tial­ly for not being social­ist enough. It won the 26-year-old direc­tor a Gold­en Bear at the Berli­nale in 1969. In the inter­ven­ing years, Žil­nik had a few films forcibly stopped, cen­sored or con­fis­cat­ed in Yugoslavia before going into exile in Ger­many, where he once again made a film that was cen­sored (Pub­lic Exe­cu­tion, still unavail­able for pub­lic exhi­bi­tion there). By the late 70s, he returned to Yugoslavia and con­tin­ued to pio­neer his unique mode of film­mak­ing, a slip­pery mix of fic­tion and doc­u­men­tary that we might oth­er­wise today label as docufiction.

Three people, two women and one man, seated in a room. Colourful, ornate decor in the background.

Cru­cial to all Žilnik’s work is the inte­gra­tion of the sub­jects into the cre­ative act. Whether that’s his fel­low Gas­tar­beit­er in Inven­to­ry (1972), each one descend­ing a stair­case in an apart­ment build­ing and stat­ing their name, age and coun­try of ori­gin; or the home­less folks he invites into his flat in the Black Film (1971); or the fac­to­ry unionis­ers and anar­chist group who pro­vide the cast of The Old School of Cap­i­tal­ism (2009), all of his films are alive with that sense of col­lab­o­ra­tive imag­i­na­tion. The films always include the for­got­ten and the mar­gin­alised, but instead of the hot­shot film direc­tor turn­ing up to gawp, they’re invit­ed to join in and cre­ate a film together.

Such was the case with Mar­ble Ass, which pre­miered in the win­ter of 1995, by which point film­mak­ing in the for­mer Yugoslavia had col­lapsed to a trick­le – a far cry from the glo­ry days of the 60s. Emir Kusturica’s Under­ground would go on to win his sec­ond Palme D’or that year, but that film’s many qual­i­ties were taint­ed by it being a co-pro­duc­tion of the state-owned RTS, staffed with Miloše­vić appa­ratchiks. In con­trast, Mar­ble Ass was pro­duced by B92, a then-inde­pen­dent broad­cast sta­tion, crit­i­cal of the nation­al­is­tic chau­vin­ism dis­played by Slo­bo­dan Miloše­vić, and often under threat from police and the legal sys­tem. Threats and harass­ment of gov­ern­ment crit­ics, all allied to a pop­ulist, right-wing obses­sion with eth­nic puri­ty and cul­tur­al ene­mies, helped by a com­pli­ant main­stream media, a pas­sive state bureau­cra­cy, an acqui­es­cent judi­cia­ry, and enough polit­i­cal lever­age to change the state’s con­sti­tu­tion almost at will. Sounds famil­iar? In many ways, Slo­bo­dan Miloše­vić pio­neered the far-right play­book of the 21st century.

And yet, on release Mar­ble Ass passed large­ly unno­ticed by such fig­ures. Mid-90s Ser­bia was no haven for queer folks but, inad­ver­tent­ly, the sheer tun­nel vision cre­at­ed by the war allied to the gen­er­al feel­ing of law­less­ness in Bel­grade allowed this wild­ly rad­i­cal film and its actors to exist freely, as if it had found a blind spot with­in the state’s tar­gets for cul­tur­al Oth­er­ing. Mer­lin­ka and Sanela were reg­u­lars on chat shows for a brief time, always ema­nat­ing charis­ma and intel­li­gence, the line of ques­tion­ing from hosts and oth­er guests often more baf­fled than out­raged. Per­haps it’s also the gen­uine­ly cel­e­bra­to­ry, joy­ous nature of the film (though cog­nisant of the vio­lence that sur­rounds it), and its take­down of a litany of mas­cu­line Balkan stereo­types that shields it from tar­get­ing: the film exists, and so do its char­ac­ters. For Mar­ble Ass, there is no debate beyond that.

It was only in the 21st cen­tu­ry that LGBT+ rights in Ser­bia became a flash­point for vio­lence and active tar­get­ing – ener­gies sat­ed else­where, the time had come to focus hatred inward. Mer­lin­ka, sad­ly, was mur­dered in 2003 (the cul­prit is still unknown). Her lega­cy lives on: the Mer­lin­ka Film Fes­ti­val was set up in 2009 as the first LGBT+ film fes­ti­val in the for­mer Yugoslavia. Yet Serbia’s cur­rent Pres­i­dent Alek­san­dar Vučić, in pow­er since 2014, is lit­tle more than a suc­ces­sor to Miloše­vić (dur­ing his time as a junior min­is­ter under him he once said for every Serb killed we will kill 100 Bosn­ian Mus­lims”), and has pre­sent­ed him­self as a mod­er­ate cen­trist when com­mit­ting the actions of an author­i­tar­i­an autocrat.

The col­lapse of a new­ly-ren­o­vat­ed train sta­tion in Novi Sad which killed 15 peo­ple in Novem­ber 2024, recon­struct­ed with great fan­fare by Vučić’s gov­ern­ment, has led to mass stu­dent protests, con­tin­u­ing as I write this. When the protests start­ed, the founder of Mer­lin­ka Fes­ti­val, Pre­drag Azde­jković, cel­e­brat­ed police bru­tal­i­ty against pro­tes­tors with deeply trans­pho­bic com­ments, func­tion­ing large­ly as a mouth­piece and cheer­leader for Vučić’s par­ty. Mean­while, B92 has long since been bought out by fig­ures close to the rul­ing par­ty.

In a round­about, tan­gen­tial way, Mar­ble Ass has been appro­pri­at­ed by the same peo­ple who oth­er­wise cre­at­ed the hell­ish world it emerged from, using it as a token of legit­i­ma­cy to cov­er for their lack of regard for human rights and decen­cy, one casu­al­ty amongst many in the ram­pant cor­rup­tion and ide­o­log­i­cal bas­tardi­s­a­tion so endem­ic to the mod­ern world. But Mar­ble Ass still exists, in all its over-the-top glo­ry, its joy­ous­ness, its camp and kitsch and very real polit­i­cal focus – and no amount of mis­ap­pro­pri­a­tion and polit­i­cal regres­sion can take that away from the film, or from trans and queer peo­ple around the world who con­tin­ue to be per­se­cut­ed by cor­rupt sys­tems of power.

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